Tomorrow we shall proclaim the Republic... M.Kemal ATATÜRK

"The general who advances without coveting fame and retreats without fearing disgrace, Whose only thought is to protect his country and do good service for his sovereign, Is the jewel of the kingdom."

Sun Tzu

... At the late hour on the 28th October I was asked by the leading Committee of the party to be present at their meeting which was then taking place. The President was Fethi Bey. He declared that the Committee had put forward a list of the candidates and they had asked me, as President of the party, to come as they wanted to hear my opinion about it. I ran throught the list and declared that I approved of it, but also that the persons who were mentioned on it ought to be asked for their opinions. Everybody agreed to my proposal. Thus we asked, for example, Yusuf Kemal Bey, who came into question for the Foreign Ministry. He told us that he dclined to accept this office. I concluded from this fact as well as from similar occurrences that the leading committee of the party aslo was not able to put forward a final and acceptable list.

I left the members of the committee, advising them to produce a final list after further consultations with the persons who would come into questions. It was already dark. At the moment I left the building of the Assembly to return to Çankaya, I met Kemalettin Sami Pasha and Halid Pasha in the lobby waiting for me. I had read in the papers under the heading of "Farewell and Reception Ceremonies" that these Pashas had arrived at Ankara exactly on the very day of Ali Fuad Pasha's departure. I had not seen them up to the hour of this meeting in the lobby. When I learned that they had waited till a late hour to see me, I asked them through Minister of National Defense Kazım Pasha to come and dine with me. I also told Ismet Pashai, Kazım Pasha as well as Fethi Bey to accompany me to Çankaya. When I arrived at Çankaya I found Fuat Bey, Deputy of Rize, and Ruşen Eşref Bey Deputy of Afyonkarahisar, there who had also come to talk to me. I also asked them to stay to dinner. 

During the meal I declared : " Tomorrow we shall proclaim the Republic." 

The Comrades present hastened to join in my opinion. We got up. Immediately afterwards I drafted a short programme of action containing the role which I assigned to each of the Comrades. "You will shortly hear details about the application of this programme and the instructions which I gave." 

You have noticed, Gentlemen, that in order to decide on the proclamation of the Republic it was neither necessary for me to call together all my Comrades nor the debate or discuss the question with them. I did not doubt that they were naturally and in principle of the same opinion as I was with regard to the chapter.

Some persons, however, who were not at Ankara at this time and who, by the way, had nothing to say on this question, believed that they should use the fact that the Republic had been proclaimed, without previously asking them and getting their consent, as a pretext for dissatisfaction and contradiction.

The Comrades who were with me this night left early. Only Ismet Pasha was my guest at Çankaya. When we were left alone we drafted a law. The articles of the Constitutional Law of the 20th January, 1921, referring to the State Constitution, I had altered as follows: At the end of the first article I added the sentence: "The form of Government of the Turkish State is a Republic."

Article 3 was altered in the followig way: "The Turkish State is administered by the Grand National Assembly. The latter directs the individual branches of the administration into which the Government is divided through the mediation of the Mininsters."

We drafted in addition the following articles for the purpose of making Articles 8 and 9 of the Constitutional Law more clear: 

"The President of the Turkish Republic will be elected in a full sitting of the Grand National Assembly by its members and for the time of a legislative period."

"The mandate of the President lasts till the election of a new President. The President is eligible for re-election."

"The President of the Republic is the Chief of the State. In this capacity he presides over the National Assembly as well as the Council of Ministers when he believes it necessary."

"The President of the Council is elected by the Chief of the State from the members of the Assembly, after which the other Ministers will be elected by the President of the Council from among the said members."

"There upon the President of the Republic submits the list of the entire Cabinet to the Assmebly for approval. If the Assembly is not sitting the approval will be postponed till the next sitting."

The Commision and the Assmebly added to these article the article which is known to you concerning religion and language.

With your permission, Gentlemen, I shall now describe to you what happened at Ankara on Monday, the 29th October:

On this day the group of the People's Party assembled at 10 c'clock in the morning under the Presidency of Fethi Bey, President of the leading Committee. A discussion was opened with regard to the election of the Cabinet.

"The leading Committee" said the President, "has drafted a list of Ministers to present to you, which is not of a definite character. It is for you now to decide. If you will allow, the list will be read to you."

After having said that the presented a list to the Assembly at the head of which was the name of Fuat Pasha, Celal Bey (İzmir), designated as candidate for the Ministry of Economy, spoke and proposed that he be not elected by pointing out the importance of the Cabinet. above all he said the following:

"The persons whose names are quoted on this list are not more important than those who have resigned. The nation demands from us that we put them in a favourable position and carry through reforms. The new Ministers must in amy case have stronger personalities than the old ones. Let us not be in a hurry with the elections. Let us think above all of the election of the President of the Council."

Saip Bey (Kozan) expressed the opinion that Fethi Bey should be elected President of the Assembly and Ismet Pasha President of the Council.

Ekrem Bey ( Rize) "Will the Cabinet be able to fill the void which the old one has left? Might His Excellency the Pasha inform us about this?" (I had not yet arrived at the sitting.)

Zülfü Bey (Diyarbakır) declared that as this task belonged to the competency of the Superior Council of the party the election did not appertain to the leading Committee and finally demanded the concovation of this Council.

Mehmet Efendi (Bolu): "The new Cabinet that we are going to elect will not be able to remain in power for a month. These repeated elections bring the country and nation into a painful situation. Unless the Cabinet clearly explain the reasons for their resignation I shall not participate in the election of any Cabinet. We must know the reasons and can only elect afterwards."

Faik Bey (Tekirdağ): "The persons mentioned in the list do not possess greater authority than the former Ministers. The Superior Council of the party must meet to solve this question."

Vasıf Bey (Saruhan), (after having spoken of Ismet Pasha's services, continued as follows): "Why does he abandon the country and the nation? Our leaders have not informed us of the state of affairs. Why does our honourable President (referring to me) not enlighten us on this subject?"

Necati Bey (İzmir): "We cannot allow the persons who are the support of the nation to abandon us in this manner. Our honourable President must enlighten us. A Cabinet strong towards the interior as well as the exterior is an absolute necessity."

Fethi Bey (the President), believed it necessary to explain that the list was neither proceeding from me nor the Cabinet, but was eleborated by the leading Committee.

Dr.Fikret Bey (Ertuğrul): "I join in the opinion of Vasıf Bey and Necati Bey. The country is not in a very calm state, and an election made at haphazard is inadmisisble. A Cabinet must be elected which consists of personalities possessing authority."

Recep Bey (Kütahya): "Our colleagues must first finish the explanations which they have to give us, so that afterwards His Excellecy the Gazi Pasha can speak." (I had not yet arrived)

İlyas Sami Bey (Muş) : "We beg our honourable President to give us his views. It is better to avert the crisis on the day of its birth. To postpone the solution would result in accentuating the crisis still more. Let us elect a President of the Council and grant him a delay of 24 hours for the election of his colleagues. We must have a strong Cabinet in power."

Abdurrahman Şeref Bey (the late delegate of İstanbul): " Some of our comrades are alarmed although crises of this sort have occurred in all countries. The aim of all us is the welfare of the country. It is true that we are not successful in creating a mechanism which can work according to our wish. But how shall we arrive at having a strong Government? How shall we find the reason for the evil? Let us study the Constitutional Law and determine the authorities of the Government. The Assembly must declare themselves with regard to their opinions and convictions. His Excellency, our President, will on his part tell us his views, so that we can come to a solution. Everybody is fit for word and must be used accordingly. Do not let us occupy ourselves with personalities. We are united in the higher aims. Let the Pasha-President give us his opinion."

Eyüp Sabri Efendi (Konya): "We see ourselves in any case under the pressure of an election. It is striking that the former Cabinet have decided not to take over the Government again, even though they were re-elected. The High Assembly must move the destructin of this resolution."

Recep Bey (Kütahya): "I am going to speak of three essential points: firstly, of the form ; secondly, of the lack of activity; and thirdly, of the breach of our moral coherence. If the form is faulty, there is no satisfactory result. We are ignorant as to when and under what conditions the comrades of value, who are mentioned on the list, will work. The chif thing is that a person possessing authority should form a Government by indicating its members himself."

(Then Recep Bey gave long declarations especially with regard to the last point.)

Talat Bey (Ardahan): "Recep Bey and Abdurrahman Şeref Bey have well explained the situation. What is the task of the President of the Council? We have not yet adopted the authorities and responsibilities of the Ministers. We beg the Gazi-Pasha to enlighten us."

Thereupon the President put the motion for the closing of the debate to the vote. Several orther motions were read, Kemalettin Sami Pasha's being adopted.

According to the contents of this motion I was commissioned by the full sitting to solve the question in my capacity as President of the Party.

During these discussions, I was at my house at Çankaya. Following Kemalettin Sami Pasha's motion I was called to the meeting. Immediately after my entrance into the hall I ascended the speaker's tribune and made the following short proposal:

"Gentlemen", I said, "you see that opinions regarding the question of the election of the Ministers are divided. Grant me an hour's time. I will then submit to you the form of the solution which I shall have found."

Fethi Bey, the President, put mu proposal to the vote, and it was accepted.

Gentlemen, I used this hour of delay to convene in my room the persons who were in question, showed them the minutes of the draft of the law prepared in the night of the 28th to the 29th October, and came to an understanding with them.

At 1.30 in the afternoon the party held another general meeting again under the Presidency of Fethi Bey. I was the first to speak, and ascending the platform I gave the following declarations:

"Dear Friends, I believe that all our colleagues are clear as to the reasons which have led to this difficult question which you have to solve. The fault, the mistake, lies in the system, and in the adopted form. It is a fact that each one of us finds himself obliged to participate in the election of the Cabinet and the Ministers every time we undertake to form a Cabinet according to our Constitutional Law. Your High Assembly having charged me with the solution of this difficulty I have just now settled the form which I have arrived at guided by the conviction I have expressed before. I will submit it to you. If you approve of my proposal it will be possible to form a strong and solid Government. We must elucidate certain points of our Constitutional Law, which determines the form and character of our State and the integral application of which is the aim of all of us. This is my proposal."

Then I left the platform handing over the draft to one of the secretaries to read. As soon as the contents of my motion were made known the discussion about it began.

Sabit Bey (Erzincan) said: " I am supporter of the system of the Cabinet. But it is impossible to settle the present crisi through the proposition of modifying the Constitutional Law. Let us elect for the moment a President of the Cabinet. We shall later on think of this amendment."

Hazım Bey (Niğde) made the following observations: " Can we elaborate a Constitutional Law? I believe not. Even if we would be justified in doing so we could not proceed to do it within the party. Nobody ventures to speak in public meeting when a question has already been discussed in it previously. I can by no means agree that the laws concerning the vital interests of the nation will be finally settled here. The subject must be discussed freely in public meeting. Above all we must solve the crisis."

Yunus Nadi Bey answered Hazım Bey as follows: "In all countries which had for the first time to elaborate a constitutional law a constitutional assembly was formed, whilst it had not been foresseen by us the convene a constitutional assembly in such case. There have at all times been reasons for such amendments. The Grand National Assembly which preceded us has worked to this end. We have a reight to it. There is no time for hesitation on this point. We have left the trouble of solving the Ministerial crisis to His Excellency the President, and he puts before us this motion. All comrades, one after the other, have though of the system which is recommended in this motion. The question now is to formulate it. By the way, such a formulated proposal is already in existence. We must give it greater clearness and a definite character."

Vehbi Bey (Balıkesir) : "Up to the present moment we have not been informed of the Constitutional Law which it is said has been discussed here. It is true that we have read such reports in the newspapers; but is that sufficient? We must therefore first of all solve the Ministerial crisis with the reservation of discussing the proposal later on en bloc."

Halil Bey : "It is our prerogative to elaborate a new Constitutional Law and to alter the existing one. But it depends on the discussions as to whether these alterations are actually of a nature to guarantee the welfare of our country and nation. The lawyers among our friends must enlighten us on this point. As long as this question is not made clear I am not of the opinion that we can solve it at this meeting."

One of the members: "The Constitutional Law cannot be altered by a stroke of the pen."

Hamdullah Suphi (İstanbul): " Four years ago I emphasised the inconveniences of indivudual elections. I repeat the same today. With regard to the motion of the Gazi Pasha, the proposal is not new but contains rather clearer expression of a law which was adopted four years ago. Those who would like to contradict this assertion should explain their views. But time does not permit us to hesitate in long expectation."

Ragıp Bey (Kütahya): "The best laws are those which are made through events and necessities. The necessity has now arrived. We must perfect the Constitutional Law by making it clear. Let us enter immediately into a discussion about the proposal."

Seyit Bey (the deceased Minister of Justice): " The proposed form is nothing new; it only aims at giving more clearness to the law. Necessities and not theories dictate laws. The time and events are stronger than everything. The law of development is an unalterable law. The porposed form does not include any innovation. When we render the already existing form clearer and more explicit we shall surely have acted in a manner that more nearly corresponds to the interests of the country and the nation."

In reply to the observations of Seyit Bey, Abidin Bey (Samsun) proposed first to solve the crisis.

Eyüp Sabri Efendi (Konya) was of the following opinion: "We have elected His Excellency the Gazi as arbitrator. To say that we are deprived of the right to alter the Constitutional Law would be equal to admitting our illegitimacy. It is quite evident that the Assembly is competent for the alteration of this law. It is necessary that the form of our Government should be a Republic. "

Then Ismet Pasha spoke and expressed the following: " It is absolutely necessary to accept the motion of the leader of the party. Everybody knows that we are discussing the form of Government to be adopted. If we do not succeed in coming to the ned of these discussions and formulating the result, we shall perpetuate the crisis and the chaos. Allow me to tell you my experience. The European diplomats have drawn my attention to the following point: "The State has no chief" they said; "n the present form of your Government the President of the Assembly is the chief, which means that you are waiting for another". This is the point of view of Europe, but we ourselves do not see things in this light. The nation is actually mistress of her own destiny; it is soverign. Why do we hesitate to give a legal expression to the real facts? The proposal of electing a Minister of the Council without there being a President of the Republic would undoubtedly be illegal. The motion of His Excellency the Gazi must recive legal force so that the election of the President of the Council can be made legal and possibe. It is absurd to prolong this state of affairs which is causing the general weakness. The Party must act according to the requirements and the responsibilities which they have assumed towards the whole nation."

The declarations made by the unforgettable Abdurrahman Şeref Bey, following Ismet Pasha, ended with the following words:

"It is useless to enumerate all the forms of Government which exist at a moment when you say that the sovereignty belongs to the nation without reserve or restriction. With whomsoever you speak he will answer you that this signifies the Republic. That is the real name of the new creation. What does it matter if this name displeases some of you?"

Yusuf Kemal Bey who followed him on the platform gave a long explanation of the necessity of bringing the motion immediately to the vote and proposed to endow it with the legal formalities.

In spite of the objection raised by Abdullah Azmi Efendi, who said that the queston being evidently imortant the discussion must be continued, the latter was regarded as being sufficient. The motion was then read and put to the vote, at first with regard to the whole of it, and afterwards article by article.

The sitting of the party was closed and the meeting of the Assembly immediately opened. It was six o'clock in the evening. Whilst the Commission of the Constitutional Law carefully examined the motion and prepared their report, the Assembly deliberated on certain other questions.

At last Ismet Pasha, the Vice-President, who presided declared: "The Commission of the Constitutional Law urgently proposes to discuss the motion for the amendment of this law."

Shouts of approbation were heard; the report was read and put forward for discussion. Finally the law was accepted after speeches by different deputies who were greeted with shouts of "Long Live the Republic!"

Thereupon the election ofthe President was put to the vote. Ismet Pasha announced the result in the following words:

"One hundred and fifty-eight Deputies have participated in the election of the President of the Republic. By 158 votes they have unanimously elected His Excellency the Gazi Mustafa Kemal Pasha, Deputy for Ankara, President."

Gentlemen, you must have read in the protocols the declarations which I then made before the Assembly. I shall however, repeat them here to recall to your memory this historic event. They were as follows:

"Honourable Friends, following the vote of the draft of the law submitted to vour approbation by the competent commission for the purpose of making more clear certain articles of the Constitutional Law - a valuable document which actually confirms the awakening of our nation in view of extraordianry events of world-moving importance - the character of the Turkish State, which is already known and ought to be known to the whole world, shall be defined under a denomination to be universally spread. As a natural consequence of this event you entrust to me, under the title of President of the Republic, the same task which had already been imposed upon me in my capacity as President of the Assembly. 

On this occasion also you give me a new proof of the sincere affection and confidence which you have hitherto shown to me, and you manifest thereby the fact that you known to appreciate highly the services rendered by me. With the deepest sincerity of my soul I express to you my cordial thanks for this sign of your affection.

For several centruies the oppressed Naton of the Orient, the innocent Turkish Nation, was considered as being without any of the inborn qualitis which distinguish it. The capacity, the aptitude and the intelligence which our people have shown during these last years distinctly prove that those who judging rightly. Thanks to the new title of their Government our nation will better succeed in manifestinf before the eyes of the nation will better succeed in manifesting befoe the eyes of the civilised world the qualities and merits with which they are endowed. The Trukish Republic will know how to demonstrate by deeds that they are worthy of the position they occupy among the nations.

Friends, the victory which the Turkish Nation, creator of this High Assembly, has been able to gain in the course of these last four years will also in future bear multifold results. So that I may prove worthy of the confidence which I have just received, I think it necessary to emphasise one point which I regard as being very essential and which constitutes for me a great need.

This need consists in the fact of perpetuating the confidence, the kindly feeling and the support of your Assembly towards me. It is only thereby that, with the help of God, I shall succeed in fulfilling the task with which you have entrusted me as well as that which you shall entrust me with in future.

I shall work constantly and sincerelt hand in hand with my friends without for a single moment believing that I could dispense with their personal help. Supported by the love of the nation we shal march forward together. The Turkish Republic will be happy, prosperous and victorious."

The resolution containing the proclamation of the Republic had been carried in the Assembly on the evening of the 29th October 1923, at 8.30. Fifteen minutes later, that is to say, at 8.45, its President was elected. The event was brought to the knowledge of the whole country the same night and was announced after midnight everywhere by a salute of 101 guns. As is known the first Cabinet ws formed by Ismet Pasha and Fethi Bey was elected President of the Assembly.

Gentlemen, the proclamation of the Republic was enthusiastically receved by the nation. This enthusiasm was manifested everywhere by brilliant demonstrations....


Mustafa Kemal ATATÜRK
1927, SPEECH (NUTUK)

"If the country is at stake, the rest is detail."...

TÜRKLERİN ZAFERİ: LOZAN

Lozan, 1912-1922 yılları arasındaki 10 yıllık aralıksız savaşa son veren barış antlaşmasıdır. Bu 10 yıl içinde Osmanlı Devleti bütün Rumeli'yi ve Arap illerini kaybetmiştir. Osmanlı sadece Rumeli'de 170 bin kilometrekare toprak kaybetmiştir. Adriyatik'ten Edirne'ye kadar Osmanlı Rumelisi'ndeki Müslüman-Türk nüfus techir ve katliamla, yokluk ve yoksullukla Anadolu'ya göç etmek zorunda kalmıştır. 

Bu 10 yıllık savaş sırasında yaklaşık 5 milyon Müslüman cephedeki veya cephe gerisindeki çarpışmalarda ve göç yollarında açlıktan, salgın hastalıklardan hayatını kaybetmiştir. Bu 10 yıllık savaşın sonunda Cumhuriyet Türkiyesi'ndeki 15 milyon nüfusun 1 milyonu topal, çolak, kör ve sakat kalmıştır. Bu 10 yıllık savaşın sonunda Anadolu insanının yiyecek ekmeği, çayına koyacak şekeri, giyecek elbisesi yoktur. Kısacası bu 10 yıllık savaşın ardından barışa susamış bir ülke vardır.

İsmet Paşa, 1923'te Lozan'a giderken aklı başında herkes; analar, babalar, çocuklar, kadınlar, askerler, komutanlar, aydınlar, milletvekilleri, herkes açıkça söylemese bile "ne pahasına olursa olsun barış", hatta mümkünse "sürekli bir barış" için gizli açık dua etmiştir.


Osmanlı Devleti'nin 1699 Karlofça Antlaşması'yla başlayan büyük toprak kayıpları tam 224 yıl sonra 1923 Lozan Antlaşması'yla son bulmuştur.


10 yıllık savaş döneminin ardından bugün itibariyle (2015) 92 yıllık [2016-93 yıllık-SB] kesintisiz barış sağlayan dünyadaki tek anlaşma Lozan'dır.


"Tarihimizde, hatta dünya tarihinde doksan yıl devam etmiş bir barış dönemi yoktur. Birinci Dünya Savaşı'ndan sonra imzalanan antlaşmalardan hiçbiri geçerliliğini koruyamadı ve İkinci Dünya Savaşı ile hepsi tarihe karıştı. Sadece Lozan Antlaşması hala yürürlüktedir." (789)


ATATÜRK, Lozan'da sadece 1.Dünya Savaşı'nın veya Kurtuluş Savaşı'nın değil, 300-400 senelik birikmiş hesapların görüldüğünü düşünmektedir. 19 Ocak 1923'te İzmit'te halka şöyle seslenmiştir:


"Lozan Konferansı, düne ve bugüne ait, üç seneye, dört seneye ait hesapların halli ve neticeye bağlanmasıyla meşgul olmakta değildir. Belki üç yüz, dört yüz senelik birçok birikmiş ve yoğunlaşmış hesapların görülmesiyle meşguldür. Dolayısıyla bu kadar derin ve bu kadar karışık ve bu kadar kirli hesapların az zamanda içinden çıkmak o kadar kolay değildir."


Sevr'in üç mimarından biri İngiltere Dışişleri Bakanı Lord Curzon'dur. Türklerin İstanbul'dan atılması fikri de ona aittir. 7 Ocak 1920 tarihli İngiliz kabine toplantısında Türklerin İstanbul2dan çıakrılıp Konya merkezli küçük bir Asya devleti haline getirilmesi projesi görüşülmüştür. İşte Lozan'da İsmet Paşa'nın karşısına çıkıp Kurtuluş Savaşı'nı görmezden gelerek sürekli Sevr hayali gören Lord Curzon budur.


Lozan Konferansı, Müttefiklerin özellikle kapitülasyonların kaldırılmasını kabul etmemeleri üzerine 3 ay kadar sonra, 4 Şubat'ta kesilmiş, İngiliz delgasyonu 5 Şubat'ta Lozan'dan ayrılmıştır. Bunun üzerine Ankara'da Atatürk harekete geçmiştir. Müttefiklere, Türkiye'nin TAM BAĞIMSIZLIĞA ne kadar büyük önem verdiğini göstermek için üç önemli hamle yapmıştır.


1- Türk ordusuna "hazır ol" emri vermiştir.
2- İzmir Limanı'nda demirli Fransız savaş gemilerini kovmuş ve İzmir Limanı'nı 1000 tondan büyük yabancı savaş gemilerine kapatmıştır.
3- Ekonomik bağımsızlığa verdiği önemin altını çizmek için İzmir İktisat Kongresi'ni düzenlemiştir.


Türkiye'nin "Barış istiyoruz, ama gerekirse savaşmaya da hazırız" şeklinde özetlenebilecek kararlı tavrından sonra, Müttefikler Lozan Konferansı'nın devam etmesine karar vermiştir. 23 Nisan 1923'te başlayan ikinci dönem görüşmeleri 24 Temmuz 1923'te Lozan Antlaşması'nın imzalanmasıyla son bulmuştur.


- "Lozan'da onursu bir barış imzaladık. Bu İngiltere'nin şimdiye dek imzalamış olduğu antlaşmaların en uğursuzu, en mutsuzu ve en kötüsüdür." İngiliz Sir Andrew Ryan


- "Hilal'in Haç'a büyük bir darbesi" Fransız Eclair Gazetesi, 1924


- "Türkiye'nin ilk kez Batılı bir devlet olarak kabul gördüğü..." Fransız Ecole de National


- "Lozan'da Hıristiyan medeniyeti çarmıha gerilmiştir." ABD, James Gerard


- "Lozan Antlaşması, yüzyıldan fazla süredir, İngiliz diplomasisinin ilk göze çarpan başarısılığıdır. Neticede Lozan Antlaşması, Türkiye'yi yaka paça Avrupa'dan atmak yerine, Avrupa'yı Türkiye'den atmıştır." Time dergisi, 14 Nisan 1924


- "Lozan'ın manzarasının Avrupa diplomasisinde eşi yoktur. Türkiye, Müttefikleri yenilgiye uğratarak onları moral açısından aşağılamıştır. Lozan barışı, Avrupa'nın moral çöküntüsünün yazılı bir belgesi olacaktır. Antlaşma, Helen ulusunun yüce düşüşünün mersiyesidir." Yunan Patris Gazetesi


- "Lozan bir Türk Zaferi'dir." Hollanda basını


- "Türkiye, başlıca amacı olan egemenliğe sahip yönetim sistemini elde etmeyi başarmıştır" İtalyan Corriera Della Sera


- "Lozan'da Müttefikler Türk ulusçularının yaklaşık olarak tüm taleplerine boyun eğdiler. Dünya şaşılacak bir manzarayla karşılaşmıştır. Yenilgiye uğratılmış ve görünürde yıkılmış olan bir ulus, yıkıntıların üzerinden yükselerek kesinlikle eşit koşullar içerisinde dünyanın en yüce uluslarının önüne çıakrak 1.Dünya Savaşı'nın aşağılamış olan mızafferlerinden hemen hemen her ulusal dileğini kazanmıştır..." İngiliz tarihçi Arnold J.Toynbee


"Lozan Antlaşması'ndaki hükümleri, öbür barış önerisiyle daha çok karşılaştırmanın yersiz olduğu düşüncesindeyim. Bu antlaşma, Türk ulusuna karşı yüzyıllardan beri hazırlanmış ve Sevr Antlaşması ile tamamlandığı sanılmış büyük bir yok etme girişiminin yıkılışını bildirir bir belgedir. Osmanlı tarihinde benzeri görülmemiş bir siyasal utku yapıtıdır." Gazi Mustafa Kemal ATATÜRK


Önsözünde "Kurtuluş Savaşı", girişinde "Mudanya Mütarekesi" yazan, sonsözü "Bağımsız Türkiye" olan dünyanın en uzun süreli kalıcı barışının adıdır LOZAN... Emeği geçen herkese sonsuz teşekkürler... Ruhları şad olsun...



Sinan Meydan
Yalanlara, Çarpıtmalara, İftiralara PANZEHİR
Gerçeğe Çağrı, 2015, kitabından
(789) Taha Akyol, Bilinmeyen Lozan,2014

"Gentlemen, 

I don't think it is necessary any further to compare the principles underlying the Lausanne Peace Treaty with other proposals for peace. This treaty, is a document declaring that all efforts, prepared over centuries, and thought to have been accomplished through the Sevres Treaty to crush the Turkish nation have been in vain.  

It is a diplomatic victory unheard of in the Ottoman history!"

Mustafa Kemal Atatürk

The Great Speech, 1927

VE DAHA NİCE YILLARA

LOZAN BARIŞ ANTLAŞMASI

THE SPEECH OF MUSTAFA KEMAL

The Speech (Nutuk), which relates events in the Turkish War of Independence, 
the foundation of the Turkish Republic and the carrying out of revolutionary reforms, 
is a work that the founder of the Turkish Republic Ghazi Mustafa Kemal Atatürk himself wrote and left to history.
(in 36,5 Hours) 

Turkish Youth ! 

Your primary duty is ever to preserve and defend the National independence, the Turkish Republic.

That is the only basis of your existence and your future. This basis contains your most precious treasure. In the future, too, there will be ill-will, both in the country itself and abroad, which will try to tear this treasure from you. 

If one day you are compelled to defend your independence and the Republic, then, in order to fulfil your duty, you will have to look beyond the possibilities and conditions in which you might find yourself. It may be that these conditions and possibilities are altogether unfavourable. It is possible that the enemies who desire to destroy your independence and your Republic represent the strongest force that the earth has ever seen; that they have, through craft and force, taken possession of all the fortresses and arsenals of the Fatherland; that all its armies are scattered and the country actually and completely occupied.

Assuming, in order to look still darker possibilities in the face, that those who hold the power of Government within the country have fallen into error, that they are fools or traitors, yes, even that these leading persons identify their personal interests with the enemy's political goals, it might happen that the nation came into complete privation, into the most extreme distress; that it found itself in a condition of ruin and complete exhaustion.

Even under those circumstances, O Turkish child of future generations! it is your duty to save the independence, the Turkish Republic.

The strength that you will need for this is mighty in the noble blood which flows in your veins.

GHAZI MUSTAFA KEMAL

PRESİDENT OF THE TURKISH REPUBLİC 

OCTOBER 1927

INTRODUCTION

This volume comprises a speech which lasted from the 15th to the 20 th October, 1927, delivered by Ghazi Mustapha Kemal Pasha, President of the Turkish Republic, at Angora before the deputies and representatives of the "Republican Party" of which he was the found er and head. (in 36,5 Hours) 

Unconventional as the length and character of this speech is, the subject of it, which is a comprehensive account of one of the most remarkable events in the many centuries of Turkish history, is equally unique. It reveals the activity of the speaker from the time when he first felt himself called upon to take the leadership of his nation into his own hands and guide it from shame and threatened ruin to free dom and power.

Now that danger from abroad has been averted and since the foundations have been prepared in the country on which a revivified State is arising, Mustapha Kemal Pasha is moved to show his people how this new Turkey has been built up, on what foundations she is standing and what are the paths she must tread in future.

The speech was delivered before Turks by a Turk, by a man who from the commencement of his military career wras intimately associated with the political events occurring in his country; before men who, like himself, have lived to witness or to share in the two eventful decades of the modern history of his native land. This fact alone will explain that the speaker presumed many a circumstance to be perfectly well known to his hearers with which the reader is not familiar.

The present Turkish State under its new Constitution is an extremely democratic republic, which emphatically declines to be in fluenced by religious considerations. As an easily to be understood, and we may even say inevitable counter-blast to the close connection existing for many centuries between the most absolute monarchy and a religion permeating every sphere of private and public life, the freedom of the citizen and the complete separation of State from Religion have become the battle-cry of the present day. The most liberally conceived Western ideas are accepted with the most jubilant enthusiasm. Western development, civilisation, progress are the aims and substance of the efforts that were made. But the main object of all the anxiety and all the bitter struggle is the nation itself, the people of Turkey. In the West the national idea has a long and variable history; in the East it is new, and with ail the ardour and the exalted flight of imagination of which an unexhausted people are capable of concentrating on a new ideal, it is seized upon and contended for in the leading circles. It is evident that between these two ideals, the civilising and the national, conflicts and dissentions must arise. Extensive adoption of the western or, at all events, foreign advantages of culture on the one hand, and the maintenance of their own native culture on the other, is the main choice that new Turkey has to make.

Historical development never advances by leaps and bounds, but is the consequence of mutually recognised stages. It is the same in regard to Turkey, but here also, through the prolonged resistance of stubborn elements and the moral pressure exerted from without, the effects of which were felt even in the most remote districts, and, finally, through the appearance of a great leader, the last phase of the development occurred with remarkable rapidity.

During the first half of the 19th century efforts to reform the obsolete political system of Turkey could already be observed. At that time it was the Sultan himself, Mahmud II the "Reformer" (1808 1839), who, succeeding Sultan Selim III, was amicably inclined towards reform and who made these attempts. Besides the annihilation of the over-powerful and irregular corps of the Janissaries, the proclamation of reform of the year 1839, known as the Hatti Sherif of Gulhine and published after the death of the Sultan, is of historical importance.

But unfortunately this attempt at reform remained dormant from its inception. The successors of Mahmud had neither the understanding nor the strength for leadership. At first they had a retarding influence and afterwards were the declared enemies of every kind of development. While the Turkish Empire, which at one time had made Europe tremble, came politically and economically by degrees more dependent upon the Great Powers, these rulers unswervingly upheld the ancient ideas and antiquated institutions and squandered the revenues of the State and allowed its most important means of power to lie idle. A class of educated men who dreamed of restoring the Turkish Empire to its former glory and who were increasingly influenced by liberal Western ideas in the 19th century, became impressed with the new ideas. 

Under the leadership of Reshid (1802 1858) and later of Midhat Pasha (18251884) they succeeded, after overthrowing the versatile but politically inept Sultan Abdul Aziz, in obtaining the grant of a new Constitution to Turkey in 1876. But already in the following year all the hopes attached to this event were suddenly destroyed. Abdul Hamid II, the second successor of Abdul Aziz, had overthrown his brother Murad V and under the pressure of the prevailing conditions had granted a new Constitution. Several months later this was again withdrawn. Midhat Pasha was exiled, and for a whole generation the dark cloud of reaction, of which one could scarcely form an idea in the West, lowered upon Turkey. 

The figure of Abdul Hamid and his activity belongs in a measure to our own time, and the secrecy surrounding this undoubtedly important ruler has added to the interest taken in him. In the country his interest was chiefly directed towards the suppression of any modern or independent movement, and every means was welcome for the attainment of this aim. Drastic control of religion, which was connected outwardly with Panislamic endeavours, a system of espionage to an extent never previously experienced - ramifications of which were intended to serve the purpose of spiritual guardianship and supervision hitherto unknown - were among them and, indeed, they fulfilled their purpose for several decades. Banishments and executions - the latter mainly in secret - which the Sultan inflicted upon his adversaries or those whom, in his fanatical and ever-increasing distrust, he considered to be such, were innumerable. But spiritual development could not be arrested, the counter-pressure against that exercised from Constantinople was slowly growing and expanding. In the nineties there arose in Macedonia, especially at Salonika, the "Committee of Union and Progress" in which undoubtedly important moral forces were at work*).

*) From the name of the "Committee of Union and Progress" its members and adherents are often referred to in this volume as "Unionists", while they are often described also as the "Young Turks". It must be observed, however, that these two expressions do not mean exactly the same thing, because not all of the "Young Turks" were intimately associated with the "Committee of Union and Progress".


Kemal Pasha, at that time a young officer on the General Staff, also belonged to this movement. The hour of deliverance arrived in 1908. In July open rebellion broke out against Tyranny. The Sultan, notwithstanding his system of spies, was unprepared for this blow and did not immediately grasp the situation. He gave the impression that he surrendered to the inevitable and granted the desired Constitution, and it is significant of the attitude of the Unionists that in the essential points they were satisfied and still allowed the man who was their bitterest enemy to occupy the throne. But scarcely had Abdul Hamid imagined that he could throw off the fetters imposed upon him, than he delivered a counter blow (13th April, 1909), repealed the Constitution and proceeded against the followers of the "Committee of Union and Progress". This time, however, the prudent man had miscalculated the situation. With surprising rapidity the Macedonian troops reappeared before Constantinople, even before the Sultan's auxiliary troops from Anatolia could reach the spot. After a fitter fight, the garrison of Constantinople was defeated. Abdul Hamid lost his throne and his liberty, and Mehmed V was proclaimed Sultan in his stead.


The windows of the old Turkish edifice of State were thrown open amidst scenes of wild enthusiasm. But the building itself remained the same. Revolutionary as the beginning of the regime of the Young Turks was, they still remained in their character a party seeking development and not revolution.


This is neither the place nor exactly the proper time in which to pronounce final judgment on the "Committee of Union and Progress". Their rule was short ; lasting scarcely ten years, it was by no means free from attack within the country and was constantly threatened by violent storms from without. The annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary and the declaration of independence by Bulgaria introduced a chain of political catastrophes affecting foreign policy, and from the time of the Turco-Italian war and during the whole of the World War this decade was almost entirely filled with bitter warfare. If the wise diplomacy of Abdul Hamid had been able to steer the weak state financially and militarily through the foreign political dangers threatening it on every side, his less able successors were totally unsuccessful and it was impossible in this short and tempestuous period to eliminate the material and psychological results of the past. But in any case it may be admitted that the revolutionary period of 1908 and 1909 exercised a powerful moral influence. 

Forces were liberated which hitherto had been able only to work in secret and under constant pressure, or else lie dormant.  Side by side with powerful leading figures, who in the realization of their power, their energy and their unscrupulousness in the choice of their methods recall the Italian Renaissance, stand representatives with, remarkable minds. Perhaps, even the existing inclination for spiritual experimentalisation with different problems and the long time of forced theoretical preparation were not consistent with the practical activity of the party that had come into power. Ideals, such as the Pan-Ottoman or Turanian that dreamed of a union between all the Turkish tribes in Asia, or like the Panislamic that considered it justifiable to claim the unity of all Mohamedans, or the Osmanli that imagined - as happened in old Austria - that the dynasty could be regarded as a firm link connecting all the tribes peopling the wide Ottoman Empire, were interwoven in such a manner as to produce a policy that lacked the capability of establishing reforms and had no definite aim to inspire it. 

The edifice of the State in its essential parts still remained in existence and with it the grave evils of cliquism, of spiritual and material corruption, of religious conservatism and of the fatalist tendency of which the Turkish State and the Turkish people had been suffering from for a very long time. All the exalted ideals referred to broke down and were shattered by the inexorable
demands on real vital strength, which resulted naturally from the war. It proved that the foreign nations, whether they were Balkans or Armenians, Greeks of Asia Minor or Arabs, felt the same as the Ottomans. It was also proved that English money and the power of the Western States triumphed over the sense of unity among the Mohamedans, and Enver Pasha was vanquished and broken in his fight for the Turanian ideal. 


One force, however, was at work during the years of liberation and survived the storm, and this was the conception of the Turkish national ideal. The beginning was made to free literature from foreign example both in form and language. The will to achieve something innately their very own gained ground. Noble spirits felt themselves drawn into the task of co-operation in the common aim, and when, in the year 1910, Hamdullah Subhi Bey founded the national organisation known as the "Turkish Hearth"- an educational community aiming at the development of the national conscience - he planted a sapling which has grown into a powerful tree, with ramifications throughout the country. The wars which undermined the existence of the old Empire also shook the hearts of the people. During the World War the Turkish officer and soldier no longer fought for the Padishah alone, as they had formerly done. The appreciation of the value of, and anxiety for the existence of the country had been awakened. A spark still glowed when in the year 1918 all hope seemed to be sheer madness -  a spark almost extinct, yet strong enough to brighten into flame when fanned by genius.


At the end of October, 1918, after eight years of uninterrupted struggle, the resistance of Turkey was broken. Bulgaria had laid down her arms, communication with the Central Powers, who them selves had reached the limit of their strength, was cut. In Palestine and Mesopotamia the English drove the completely exhausted Turkish divisions northward in front of them. The end had come. The leaders of the Unionists, with the Grand Vizier Talaat Pasha, Enver Pasha and Djemal Pasha, surrendered and fled; Ahmed Izzet Pasha person ally assumed the difficult task of carrying on the affairs of the State.

A commission under Rauf Bey, the Minister of Marine, went out to the Allied squadron lying in the Dardanelles. On the 30th October, 1918, Rauf and the English Admiral Calthrop signed the armistice at Mudros. Its terms were severe and inexorable. The Dardanelles and the Bosphorus, as well as the forts commanding them, had to be evacuated and handed over to the Allies, the Army had to be disarmed and all ships surrendered. 

The Allies reserved to themselves the right to occupy every strategic point in Turkey should their "safety" require it. Turkish railways were to be controlled by officers belonging to the Allies, all the Turkish harbours were to be thrown open to them, all telegraph lines were to be placed under their control.

Turkish prisoners of war were to remain in captivity, Turkish troops fighting far from their homes in the Hedjas, Tripoli, etc., were compelled to surrender. The prisoners of war belonging to the Allies confined in Turkey were immediately to be liberated. It was originally stipulated that all the German and Austrian troops in Turkey were to be considered prisoners of war, but the Turkish Government under Ahmed Izzet Pasha categorically refused to agree to this and obtained their freedom. Their loyalty towards their comrades in arms in such a desperate position shows a remarkably noble side of the Turkish character, of which Germany must always feel proud.


Allied and Greek men-of-war cast anchor before Constantinople, and a terrible fate gathered over Turkey. The maps accompanying these volumes clearly show what were the intentions of the Entente and speak for themselves in eloquent language. The stipulations of the Treaty of Sevres (in the summer of 1920), which Mustapha Kemal Pasha analyses at the conclusion of his speech, prove that the Powers who pretended that they were fighting for the freedom and the selfdestination of the nations had no hesitation in practising the most glaring and unrestrained imperialism with regard to Turkey. They intended, beyond doubt, that it should be a peace of annihilation in the strictest sense of the word. By annexation, placing territories under mandate and influence, besides the erection of new vassal states, nothing was to remain of Turkey except a small district in the interior of Anatolia - an island surrounded as it would be by foreign Powers, in which it would scarcely be possible ever to carry on political life or national power.

Detachments of foreign troops occupied important points in the interior of the country. Foreign officers were ranging through it in all directions. When, on the 15th May, 1919, Greek troops landed at Smyrna with the consent of the Entente, treated the Turkish population as a subjugated class and prepared for the erection of a new Great Greece, the curtain had, apparently, risen on the last act of the Turkish tragedy.

But this happened to be the hour of the birth of a new Turkey. The decision had already been made, Mustapha Kemal Pasha was already struggling to reach the shores of Asia Minor.

The events during the following years are related in the pages of this work. They unfold a development of world-historical magnitude and importance. We are made aware in an overwhelming manner of the part enacted by a great leader chosen by fate, who keeps his high aim ever before his eyes unflinchingly, regardless of counsel proffered by those who thought they knew better than himself, who advances on his stormy path, who has the faculty of revivifying the flood pul sating from the heart of his nation that was thought to have run dry, and who presses everything and everybody into the service of a great conception. Of what a nation that does not lose courage but is resolved to the bitter end is capable, is shown once more by his example and, simultaneously, we are afforded an insight into the very soul of the Turkish people who - misunderstood by those not intimately aquainted with them - have never learned how to bend their necks under a foreign yoke. 

Mustapha Kemal Pasha's mission is not yet fully accomplished. What he publishes herein is the story of the birth of the new Turkey.

Freedom from molestation from abroad, freedom within its frontiers to develop on modern lines and on a national foundation - these are her twin guiding stars. Mustapha Kemal Pasha has pointed both of them out to his people. The preservation of this freedom from foreign interference and of this national development are the tasks of the future, and are fraught with dangers enough in every sphere of political activity. We pointed out at the beginning the great problems presented by the new development, the blending of all that was good, efficient and worthy in life, and at the same time consistent with the inherent character of the people, with all that is new but in so many ways essential. The magnitude of this task can perhaps be estimated when we realise that only twenty years ago the system of Abdul Hamid, with its enslavement of the spirit and its demoralising system of espionage, was still flourishing. 

As yet it is impossible to guess how far Mustapha Kemal Pasha's work will finally be crowned with success. He is still in the prime of manhood. But it is certain even now that Turkey as she has been created by Mustapha Kemal Pasha will for ever stand as a monument of ardent patriotic love, of crowning ability and of a titanic will.


The numbers in brackets (Document i, etc.,) appearing throughout this volume refer to a supplement in the French language published under the title :

"Documents referred to in a Speech by
Ghazi Mustapha Kemal Pasha,"
by K. F. Koehler, Publishers, Leipzig, at 20 shillings net.


The Speech (Nutuk), which relates events in the Turkish War of Independence, the foundation of the Turkish Republic and the carrying out of revolutionary reforms, is a work that the founder of the Turkish Republic Ghazi Mustafa Kemal Atatürk himself wrote and left to history.

BOOK : A SPEECH BY MUSTAFA KEMAL ATATURK 

Turkse jeugd!

Uw eerste taak is voor altijd de Turkse onafhankelijkheid en de Turkse republiek verdedigen.

Dit is het fundament van je bestaan en je toekomst. Deze stichting is uw kostbaarste schat. In de toekomst zullen er kwaadaardige mensen binnen-en het buitenland wensen om je te beroven van deze schat. Als je op een dag bent gedwongen om uw onafhankelijkheid en uw republiek te verdedigen, moet je niet talmen om de mogelijkheden en omstandigheden van de situatie af te wegen alvorens uw plicht. Deze mogelijkheden en omstandigheden kunnen zeer ongunstig zijn. De vijanden hebben een samenzwering tegen uw onafhankelijkheid en uw republiek. Ze kunnen achter hen een overwinning hebben ongekend in de annalen van de wereld. Het kan zijn dat, door geweld en list, alle forten van uw geliefde vaderland kan worden vastgelegd, al zijn scheepswerven bezet, al zijn legers verspreid en voor elk deel van het land binnengevallen. En droeviger en ernstiger zijn dan buiten al deze omstandigheden, degenen die de macht in het land hebben in de fout zittende, misleide en verraders zijn. Bovendien kunnen ze hun persoonlijke belangen identificeren met de politieke ontwerpen van de indringers. Het land kan worden verarmd, geruïneerd en uitgeput.

Jeugd van de toekomst van Turkije, Zelfs in dergelijke omstandigheden is het uw plicht om de Turkse onafhankelijkheid en republiek redden. U zult de kracht die je nodig hebt in je edele bloed te vinden.

TÜRKISCHE JUGEND!

Deine erste Pflicht ist es, die nationale Unabhängigkeit, die türkische Republik immer zu bewahren und zu verteidigen.

Das ist die einzige Basis deiner Existenz und deiner Zukunft. Diese Basis enthält deinen kostbarsten Schatz. Auch in der Zukunft wird es im Lande selbst wie im Ausland Missgunst geben, die Dir diesen Schatz entreißen will.Wenn Du eines Tages dazu gedrängt bist,die Unabhängigkeit und die Republik verteidigen zu müssen, dann wirst Du, um Deine Pflicht zu erfüllen, von den Möglichkeiten und Bedingungen der Lage absehen müssen, in der Du Dich befinden könntest. Es kann sein, dass diese Bedingungen und diese Möglichkeiten durchaus ungünstig sind. Es ist möglich, dass die Feinde, die Deine Unabhängigkeit und Deine Republik vernichten wollen, die siegreichste Macht darstellen, die die Erde jemals gesehen hat; dass man sich durch List oder Gewalt aller Festungen und aller Werften des Vaterlandes bemächtigt hat; dass alle seine Armeen zerstreut sind und jede Ecke des Landes vollständig besetzt ist. Nimm an, um eine noch düstere Möglichkeit ins Auge zu fassen, dass diejenigen, die die Regierungsgewalt im Lande innehaben, in Irrtum verfallen sind, dass sie Dummköpfe oder Verräter sein könnten, ja, dass diese leitenden Leute ihre persönlichen Interessen mit den politischen Zielen der Feinde zusammenfallen lassen. Es könnte kommen, dass die Nation in völlige Entbehrung, in ungesehene Not gerät; dass sie sich im Zustand des Zusammenbruchs und völliger Erschöpfung befindet.

Selbst unter diesen Umständen und unter diesen Bedingungen, oh Du Kind der türkischen Zukunft, ist es Deine Pflicht, die Unabhängigkeit und die türkische Republik zu retten. Die Kraft, die Du hierzu brauchst , befindet sich im edlen Blut, dass in Deinen Adern fließt.

EY TÜRK GENÇLİĞİ!

Birinci vazifen, Türk istiklalini, Türk Cumhuriyetini ilelebet muhafaza ve müdafa etmektir. 

Mevcudiyetinin ve istikbalinin yegane temeli budur. Bu temel, senin en kıymetli hazinendir. İstikbalde dahi seni bu hazineden mahrum etmek isteyecek dahili ve harici bedhahların olacaktır. 

Bir gün, istiklal ve cumhuriyeti müdafa mecburiyetine düşersen, vazifeye atılmak için içinde bulunacağın vaziyetin imkan ve şeraitini düşenmeyeceksin.  Bu imkan ve şerait çok namüsait bir mahiyette tezahür edebilir.  İstiklal ve cumhuriyetine kastedecek düşmanlar bütün dünyada emsali görülmemiş bir galibiyetin mümessili olabilirler. Cebren ve hile ile aziz vatanın bütün kaleleri zapt edilmiş, bütün tersanelerine girilmiş, bütün orduları dağıtılmış ve memleketin her köşesi bilfiil işgal edilmiş olabilir. Bütün bu şeraitten daha elim ve daha vahim olmak üzere, memleketin dahilinde iktidara sahip olanlar gaflet ve dalalet ve hatta hıyanet içinde bulunabilirler. Hatta bu iktidar sahipleri, şahsi menfaatlerini müstevlilerin siyasi emelleriyle tevhid edebilirler. Millet fakrü zarüret içinde harap ve bitap düşmüş olabilir.

Ey Türk İstikbalinin evladı! İşte bu ahval ve şerait içinde dahi vazifen; Türk İstiklal ve Cumhuriyetini kurtarmaktır. Muhtaç olduğun kudret damarlarındaki asil kanda mevcuttur!

Gazi Mustafa Kemal

Ulusal Yol'un katkısı : Seslendirilmiş Nutuk

ÇANAKKALE - DİRİLİŞ

Bir gün bir arkadaşımız Mehmet Emin Bey'in bir şiirini okudu. Şiir şu dizeyle başlıyordu: 

"Ben bir Türküm, dinim, cinsim uludur."

Duyar duymaz içim titremişti. Şair bu şiiriyle 'Diril ey Türk!' diye bağırıyor ve bizi uyarmaya çağırıyordu. Bu bağırışı duyduk, bu çağrıya uyduk. Bir arayış, uyanış ve sonunda diriliş başladı. Bir kuru kalabalık değil bir millet olduğumuzu anlamaya başladık. İbrahim Binbaşı doğru söylemiş, yeniden doğuyoruz, canlanıyoruz, diriliyoruz. Türk geri geliyor! Tarih bir millete bir kez dirilme hakkı verir. Yeniden uyursak, oyuna gelirsek, bir daha dirilemeyiz. Biz olmaktan çıkar, kaybolur gideriz. Bu sözümü unutmayın!" 

23 NİSAN günü hava güzelleşti. Akdeniz'e özgü bir mavi gün başladı.

Amiral de Robeck ve General Hamilton düğmeye basıp yüzlerce parçadan oluşan dev planı çalıştırdılar. 

Askerlerle dolu gemiler demir aldı. Limandan çıkmak için savaş gemilerinin arasından geçerek ilerlediler. Güverteleri dolduran denizciler ve askerler birbirlerini selamlayıp alkışlıyorlardı. Zafere birlikte ulaşacaklardı. Coşanlar "İstanbul'a!" diye bağırıyorlardı. Bu coşkuya bazı savaş gemilerinin bandoları marşlar çalarak katıldılar. Heyecan büyüdükçe büyüyordu. Bir geminin bordasına büyük harflerle "Türk lokumu'", bir başkasının bordasına ise "İstanbul'a ve haremlere" diye yazılmıştı. Sanki savaşa değil, uysalca yağma edilmeyi bekleyen İstanbul'a inliyorlardı. 

İSTANBUL, benzer duyguları İngiltere'nin sevilen genç Ģairi Hubert Brooke'ta da uyandırmıştı. Şair, yedeksubay olarak 'İstanbul Seferine' katılmak için yola çıkarken şöyle yazmıştı: 

"İnanılmayacak kadar güzel bir şey bu. Kaderimizin bize bu kadar yardımcı olacağını tasavvur edemezdim. Demek ki Galata Kulesi 15'lik toplarımızın altında paramparça olacak. Demek deniz top gümbürtüleriyle kana boyanıp leş gibi olacak. Demek Ayasofya'nın mozaiklerini, lokumları, halıları yağmalayacağım! Demek ki bizler tarihte bir çağın dönüm noktası olacağız. Oh Tanrım! Hayatımda bu kadar mutlu olmamıştım. Birden anladım ki hayatımın tek arzusu İstanbul'a karşı bir askeri sefere katılmakmış." ***

*** (Rupert Brooke çıkarmadan bir gün önce 24 Nisan 1915'te ölür, Skyros adasına gömülür.)


24 NİSAN Cumartesi günü 300 gemi ve deniz aracı, Bozcaada ile Gökçeada arkasında toplanmıştı. Çıkarma için gerekli son düzeni alıyorlardı. Rus donanması da sabah bir dayanışma gösterisi olarak İstanbul Boğazı'nın iki yanındaki Karadeniz kıyılarını bombardıman etti. 150 büyük mermi attı. 

General Hamilton kara-deniz işbirliğini kolaylaştırmak için karargâhını Queen Elizabeth'e taşıdı. Amiral de Robeck tarafından törenle karşılandı. Ön direğe Hamilton'un forsu da çekildi. 

Türkler ve Almanlar Birleşik Ordu'nun ve Birleşik Donanma'nın ertesi sabah harekete geçeceğini öğrenememiş ve anlamamışlardı. Liman Paşa 11. Tümene tatbikat yaptırmak için Çanakkale'ye geçmişti. Tatbikatın konusu Beşige'ye yapılacak bir olası çıkarmaydı. Liman Paşanın Saros ve Beşiğe saplantısı artarak sürmekteydi. Çanakkale'deki Hava Bölüğü de uyumuştu. Uyumayan yalnız Seddülbahir'deki 3. Tabur Komutanı Binbaşı Mahmut Sabri Bey'di. 

Deniz ve hava hareketlerine bakarak hemen, büyük olasılıkla ertesi gün çıkarma olacağını kestirmişti. Önlemini aldı. Bölüklerine özetle şu emri verdi: 

"Yedek cephanelerinizi de yanınıza alın, matraları ve su tenekelerini doldurun. İki gün bunlarla idare etmek zorunda kalabiliriz."

DOĞU ve Güneydoğu Anadolu'daki Valiler ve Komutanlardan Ermenilerin silahlandıkları, devlet güçlerine karşı geldikleri, Rus birliklerine yardım ettikleri, çeteleştikleri ve isyana hazırlandıkları hakkında sürekli bilgiler geliyordu. 17 Nisan 1915 günü ilk olarak Van isyanı patladı.

Hükümet artık bir karar vermek gerektiğini anladı. Dahiliye Nezareti (İçişleri Bakanlığı) 'Ermeni komite merkezlerinin kapatılmasını, belgelerine el konulmasını ve komite elebaşlarının tutuklanmasını' bir genelge ile bütün illere bildirdi. Bu genelge üzerine İstanbul'da Emniyet Müdürlüğü de bugün (24 Nisan) bilip izlemekte olduğu tüm elebaşıları sessizce tutukladı. Akşam dışarda hiçbir elebaşı kalmamıştı. Bu, Ermeni isyancılar için büyük bir darbe oldu. Gafil avlanmışlardı. Bu günü unutmayacaklardı.***

*** (Ermenilerin her yıl kıyım tarihi diye gösteriler yaptıkları 24 Nisan elebaşların tutuklandığı bu gündür. Olaylar gelişecek ve hükümet, Doğu Anadolu'daki Ermenilerin Kuzey Suriye'ye göç ettirilmelerine karar verecektir.)

BİRLEŞİK ORDU ve Donanma harekete hazırdı. Akşam herkese sıcak yemek verildi. Dileyenler evlerine son mektuplarını yazdılar. Bir asker üzerinde 3 günlük yiyecek ve 200 fişek taşıyordu. Gece yarısı güvertelere çıkılacaktı. Herkesin yeri işaretlenmişti. Gemiler Türklerin görmemesi için ufuk çizgisinin gerisinde bekliyorlardı. Ay batınca harekete geçilecekti.

KIYILARI bekleyen küçük/büyük bütün birliklerde, gözlerini bir saniye bile ufuktan ayırmayan gözcüler ve nöbetçiler dışında, yatsı namazı açıkta ve topluca kılınmış, birlikte dua edilmiş, Allah'tan yardım ve zafer dilenmişti. Komutanlar ertesi günün zorlu bir gün olabileceği düşünceyle, kaç zamandır, erlerin erkenden uyumalarına dikkat ediyorlardı. Çoğu uyumuştu. 

Subaylar son denetimleri yapıyor, son bilgileri alıyorlardı. Hiçbir olağanüstülük görünmüyordu. Balıkçı Damları-Kabatepe kuzeyi arasından, kısacası Arıburnu kesiminden sorumlu bölüğün komutanı Yüzbaşı Faik de son bilgileri aldı, durumu Kabatepe'deki 2. Tabur Komutanı Binbaşı İsmet Beye telefonla bildirdi. Toprağa oturdu. Yorulmuştu. 

Sırtını bir kaya parçasına dayadı, kendini gecenin büyüsüne bıraktı. Çeyrek ay pırıl pırıldı. Deniz sessizce kumsalı okşuyordu. Hava bahar kokuyordu. "Ne güzel, ne mübarek bir yurdumuz var.." diye düşündü, "..Yerlisi, göçmeni, dağlısı, ovalısı, doğulusu, batılısı, hepimiz, bir aile, bir millet olsak, birbirimizi sevsek, çok çalışsak, yollar, fabrikalar, okullar, hastaneler yapsak, ilkellikten, bağnazlıktan kurtulsak, mutluluğu, refahı, uygarca ve özgürce yaşamayı biz de tanısak.." 

Özlemle içini çekti. Yüzbaşı Faik'i büyüleyen, hayallere salan bu güzellik gün ışırken kana bulanacaktı.


SEDDÜLBAHİR Gelibolu yarımadasının güneyiydi. Burun kesimi 5 km. enindeydi (Teke Burnu ile Eski Hisarlık arası). Donanma üç yandan birden sarıp ateş altına alabileceği için buradaki Türk savunması fazla önemsenmiyor, çıkarma ve ilerlemenin zor olmayacağı düşünülüyordu. 
Seddülbahir'de 5 yere birden çıkacaklardı: Soldan sağa doğru, Pınariçi Koyu, İkizkoy, Teke Koyu, Ertuğrul Koyu ve Eski Hisarlık.(Teke koyun asıl adı Tekke koyu)

Ama asıl çıkarma Ertuğrul Koyu ile Teke Koyu'na yapılacaktı. Saros, Beşiğe ve Kumkale'deki gösteriler, Türklerin buraya takviye yollamalarını engellemek için yapılacaktı. Pınariçi, Eski Hisar ve İkizkoy'a çıkarmaların amacı, bu büyük çıkarmayı kolaylaştırmak, güven altına almak ve hızlandırmaktı. Hepsi derinlikte birleşip Alçıtepe'ye akacaktı. 

Günün ilk hedefi 10 km. uzaktaki Alçıtepe'ydi. General Hamilton, Liman Paşa asıl çıkarmanın nereye yapılacağını anlayıp da, buraya kuvvet yollayana kadar Alçı Tepeye ulaşacaklarını hesaplıyordu. Binbaşı Mahmut Sabri Bey yatsı namazından sonra yakınlardaki subayları topladı. Takım komutanları oğlu yaşındaydı. Ertesi gün bu çocuklar belki de toprağa düşeceklerdi. Gözünün yaşarmasına engel olmayı başardı. Dedi ki:


"Yarın çıkarma başlarsa, geriden cephane gelmesi imkânsız. Düşman donanması göz açtırmıyor. Onun için her kurşun hesaplı atılacak. Keskin nişancılar önce subayları, komutanları temizleyecek. En zor durumda bile askerin yemeği ihmal edilmeyecek. Gözcüler dışındaki askerleri bu gece geriye, sığınaklara alın. Ateş bitince yerlerimizi döneriz. Haydi çocuklarım, gazamız mübarek olsun!" 

Mahmut Sabri Bey subaylarını kucakladı, subayları da onun elini öptüler, helalleşildi. Tümenden birkaç kara mayını gelmişti. İstihkâm Bölüğü gece kumsalı mayınlamaya girişti. Işıldaklarını sürekli gezdirerek kıyıları denetim altında tutan nöbetçi düşman gemileri çalışmayı fark edince ateşe başladılar. Çalışma durduruldu.

Hava ılık, deniz durgundu. Aydan dünyaya nur yağıyordu. Ay batınca ölüm filoları harekete geçeceklerdi. GENERAL HAMILTON DA, Liman Paşa da, Türk ordusu hakkında benzer biçimde düşünüyorlardı. 

Türk ordusunun çok uzun zamandan beri ciddi bir başarısı yoktu. Sicili iyi değildi. Daha kısa bir zaman önce Sarıkamış'ta ve Süveyş'te yenilmişti. Yeni bir haber daha vardı: Bir Türk birliği Irak'ta, Şuaybe'de, İngiliz birliğine taarruz etmişse de başarılı olamamış, 14 Nisan gecesi yarı yarıya dağılmış, kalanlar zorlukla geri çekilebilmişti. Bu yenilgiye katlanamayan birliğin komutanı Süleyman Askeri Bey intihar etmişti. ***

*** (A.İhsan Sabis, Birinci Dünya Harbi,c.2-s.398; bu olay başarısızlık üzerine ilk intihar olayıdır, ikincisi Büyük Taarruz'da 27 Ağustos 1922 günü, zamanında Çiğiltepe'yı geri alamayan 57.Tümen Komutanı Albay Reşit Çiğiltepe'nin intiharıdır.)



Üç buçuk ay içinde bu üçüncü yenilgiydi. Birleşik Ordu'nun komutanı ve kurmayları bu nedenlerle Türk ordusunun savaş yeteneğini ve yeterliliğini pek ciddiye almamışlar, planın birçok ayrıntısını bu önyargının etkisi altında hazırlamışlardı.***

*** (Bu ifade C.F.Aspinall-Oglander'ın yazdığı İngiliz resmi tarihindeki ifadedir. 1.cs.175; Aspinal-Oglander bu açıklamayı sonra şöyle tamamlıyor: "1915'te Türk cesur bir düşman olduğu kadar yeterli idi de." )


Liman Paşa da - İngilizler ve birçok Alman gibi - benzer nedenlerle ordunun savaş yeteneğinden ve yeterliliğinden kuşku duymaktaydı. O da bu kuşkusuna uygun bir savunma yöntemi seçmişti. Çok yanıldıklarını sabahleyin anlayacaklardı. Bu ordu, başka, bambaşka, yeni bir orduydu! ***

*** (Liman Paşa anılarının başında bu güvensizliği belli eder. Hemen her şeyi eleştirir, yapılan her şeyi küçümser. Subayların ve Mehmetlerin önemini ve değerini zamanla anlayacaktır. Ama çok kurban verdikten sonra.)

*** (Bir yanda dünya egemenlerinin hesapsız zengin ordusu ve donanması, öte yanda yoksul Türk ordusu. İkisinin arasındaki farkı anlatmak bile zor. Sonunda Türk ordusu galip gelecek. Başka mucize aramaya gerek var mı? Bu sonuç mucizenin ta kendisidir! Ne güçlü bir diriliş! Öyle güçlü ki bu mucizeyi Milli Mücadele ve Cumhuriyet dönemi ile iki kez daha göreceğiz. Daha da kesin, etkili ve kalıcı olarak. Cumhuriyet ordusu ise, bütün Türk tarihinin en güçlü ordusudur.)

...

ARIBURNU'NDA Balıkçı Damları ile Kabatepe'nin kuzeyi arasındaki uzun kıyıya yayılmış olan Yüzbaşı Faik'in 250 adamı mıh gibi dikilmiş ve direnmişti. Biri bile 'düşman it sürüsü gibi kalabalık, çekilelim' dememiş, yılgınlık göstermemişti. Bir adım geri gitmeyi hepsi alçaklık saymıştı. Görevleri gerideki asıl kuvvetler yetişene kadar düşmanı durdurmak ve oyalamaktı.

Canlarını bunun için severek vermişlerdi. Takımlar erimiş, Bölük Komutanı Yüzbaşı Faik Bey ile 3. Takım Komutanı Astsubay Süleyman yaralanmıştı. Az sonra Haintepe'de savaşan 2. Takımın komutanı Asteğmen Muharrem de yaralandı. Beş-on asker kalmıştı takımdan geriye. Savaşmayı sürdürseler komutanları düşman eline düşebilirdi. Bu nedenle direnişi kesip çekilmeye karar verdiler. 

Emireri Mehmet Ali dağ gibi bir askerdi. Ona "Komutanı al git!" dediler. Kendileri ikisini korumak için geriden geleceklerdi. "Allaha emanet olun!" Mehmet Ali Asteğmen Muharrem'i derin bir şefkatle sırtına aldı, geri çekilip fundalığa daldı. Komutanı kendinden daha gençti. Sarsmamaya dikkat ederek hızlıca yürüyor, bir yandan da hıncından, hırsından çocuk gibi ağlıyordu. "Büyük Allahım ayağını öpeyim, bu günün öcünü almama izin ver." Ağlaya ağlaya dere tepe aşacak, Asteğmen Muharrem'i sahra hastanesine yetiştirecekti. 

Bu arada bir gün sonra Kanlısırt adını alacak olan tepenin üzerindeki bataryanın dört topundan üçü düşmana kaptırılmış, ancak biri ve mermiler kurtarılabilmişti. Topçular kan ağlıyorlardı.

Düşman da çok kayıp vermiş ama ilk bocalamayı atlattıktan sonra daha iyi savaşmaya başlamıştı. Bazıları vahşice dövüşüyor, hiç vakit harcamıyor, yaralı ve esir düşen Türkleri süngüleyip öldürüyorlardı. 

En uzakta, Balıkçı Damları'nda, Asteğmen İbrahim Hayrettin'in komutasındaki 1. Takım vardı. İlk çıkan Anzak bölüğünü mahvetmişti. Ama çıkanların sayısı artıyor, Takım eriyerek direniyordu. Asteğmen düşmanın Kocadağ'ın eteklerindeki tepeleri ele geçirdiğini gördükçe kahrolmaktaydı. 
Bir müfrezenin dağın yukarısına doğru ilerlediğini fark etti. Teğmen Tulloch'un girişken müfrezesiydi bu. Daha başka birlikler de dağa çıkmaya başlamışlardı. Sağ kalan askerlerini alarak, Kocadağ'ın doruğuna doğru çekilmeye karar verdi. Bu müfrezeyi doruğa varmadan önce engellemek gerektiğini düşünüyordu. "Haydi arkadaşlar!" 

Balıkçı Damları ile Kocadağ arası, en dik yokuşlar, en sarp yarlar, en gür ve sık fundalıklarla doluydu. Elleri, yüzleri kesilerek, dizleri yaralanıp parçalanarak tırmanmaya koyuldular. Düşman müfrezesini korkutmak, yavaşlatmak, geri çevirmek için de ara sıra durup ateş ediyorlardı. Zaman hışım gibi geçmekteydi. Anzaklar giderek çoğalıyor, Kocadağ'a yayılıyorlardı. Sağ kalabilen bir avuç Türk de topçular gibi kan ağlıyordu artık. Bitmek üzereydiler. Nerede kalmıştı gerideki kurtarıcı kuvvetler? Hani bir yere çıkarma olunca Alaman Paşa bütün birlikleri yardıma yollayacaktı? Oynak savunma sistemi böyle çalışmayacak mıydı? 

Ümitsizliğe düşmek üzereydiler. Bir haber mermi hızıyla askerden askere yayıldı. 27. Alay yetişmişti. Saat 07.40'tı.

Alay çapraşık, dar, zor yolları iki saatten önce almıştı. Uçaklardan sakınmak için ikide bir yolun iki yanına dağılıp yatmasalar daha önce gelebilirlerdi. Taşıdığı ağırlık 30 kiloyu geçen asker yorulmuştu. Şefik Bey kısa bir mola verdi. Tümene, Kabatepe'nin batısından düşmana taarruz edeceğini bildirdi. Kritik yer Kocadağ'dı. Düşman orayı ele geçirirse hem alayın arkasına dolanmış, hem gelecek için çok tehlikeli bir noktaya yerleşmiş olurdu. 

Ama elindeki asker sayısı, cephesini, orayı koruyacak kadar uzatmaya yetmiyordu. 19. Tümenin Kocadağ'ı tutmasını diledi. 

M. Kemal'in 57. Alayla tam da o saatte yola çıkmış olduğunu bilmiyordu. 

Çevreyi dikkatle inceledi. Taarruza başlamak için düşman elinde bulunan Kanlısırt'tan daha yüksek olan 165 yükseltili tepeyi seçti. 1. Tabur solda, 3. Tabur sağda taarruz edecekti. Dört Maksim ağır makineli tüfeği yakınında ve emrinde tuttu. Gelmesi gereken dağ bataryası, komutanının beceriksizliği yüzünden toparlanıp da daha gelememişti. Bu sırada Kanlısırt'ta üç topu düşmana kaptırılan bataryanın komutanı ile mürettebatı, kurtarıp sakladıkları dördüncü topla gelip alaya katıldılar. Şefik Bey sevindi. Öteki üç kardeşini kurtarmak için bu topa çok iş düşecekti.

Askerlerin sırt çantalarını geride bırakmaları önerisini, çeviklik sağlayacağı için yararlı görüp kabul etti. Askerler yanlarına yedek fişeklerini, matra ve ekmek torbalarını alacaklardı. Askerler sırt çantalarından temiz çamaşır alıp ekmek torbalarına koydular. Sırt çantaları geride bırakıldı. 

Bu arada sağ kalan direnişçiler taburlara katılıyor, büyük sevgiyle karşılanıyorlardı. İçleri yanıyordu ama ilk istedikleri su değil, dövüşe devam için cephaneydi. Taburlar taarruz düzenine girmek için yayılıp açılmaya başladılar. Fundalık arazi bu hareketleri düşman gözünden saklıyordu. Tabur Komutanlarına bir emir götüren Emir Subayı Asteğmen Cevdet, dönüşünde gözleri dolu dolu, "Komutanım.." dedi, "..bir şey görmenizi istiyorum." 

Şefik Bey çok önemli bir şey olduğunu anladı. Sessizce Asteğmeni izledi. Biraz ilerleyince gördü. Onun da gözleri dolup taştı. Askercikler kirli çamaşırlarını dürüp fundaların diplerine bırakmışlar, temiz çamaşırlarını giyerek şehit olmaya hazırlanmışlardı. Allah'ın huzuruna insan ve asker olarak temiz çıkacaklardı.

Anzaklar dalgalı arazide yayılmaktaydılar. Çıktıkları kıyıda, birkaç yüz değil, birkaç bin Türkle savaştıklarını sanıyorlardı. Başlangıçta hayli kayıp vermiş, güçlükle toparlanabilmişlerdi. Şimdi gülümseyerek düşünüyorlardı: 'Korkak Abdul' hemen kollarını kaldırıp teslim olmamış, tabanları yağlayıp kaçmamıştı. Aferin, iyi direnmişti. Ama kahramanlığı az sürmüştü zavallının. O binlerce kişi ortadan kayboluvermişti. İşte şimdi ilk hedefe, Kocaçimen-Kabatepe hattına doğru yürüyorlardı. Hava açık ve serindi.

Çoğu doğa adamı, gezgin, madenci, altın arayıcı, kara ve deniz avcısı olan Anzaklar elde ettikleri sonuçtan çok memnundular. İkinci hedefe de ulaşınca bu gürültülü iş çabucak bitmiş olacaktı. 

Birdenbire kıyamet koptu. Makineli tüfekler takırdamaya, tüfekler cayırdamaya, top gürlemeye başladı. Akılları başlarından gitti. "O my God!" Ne oluyordu? 

Mavi gökyüzü kızıl ateş kesilmiş başlarına yağıyordu. 27. Alay, on bine yakın döğüşken, atılgan Anzak'a karşı taarruza geçmişti.19 Saat 09.00'du. 

M. KEMAL, yaveri Teğmen Kâzım, Tümen Başhekimi, Topçu Taburu Komutanı, 57. Alay, dağ bataryası ve sağlık müfrezesi Kocadağ yolundaydılar. Yolun bir görünüp bir kaybolmasına, sarplığına, darlığına rağmen, hiç durmadan ve hiç döküntü vermeden yürüyorlardı. Topları, topları çeken, makineli tüfekleri taşıyan katırları, cephane, ekmek ve yiyecek arabalarını çetin, fundalık yollardan, derelerin kaya parçalarıyla dolu yataklarından geçirmek çok zordu ama asker bir çaresini bulup geçiriyor, gecikmeden ilerliyorlardı. 

Yol Mazı Çukuru denilen cennet gibi bir vadiye çıktı. Bu cennetin içinden geçtiler. Ne bir an durup şerbet gibi havasını içlerine çektiler, ne bütün vadiyi örten sevinç içindeki kır çiçeklerine bakabildiler. Zamanla yarışıyorlardı. Hızlanarak yürüdüler. Saat 09.15'ti.






DİRİLİŞ - TURGUT ÖZAKMAN
OKUYALIM - OKUTALIM